Themistocles - a Biography
with Michael Scott
Series 1 Episode 12
Michael is Pro-Vice-Chancellor for International affairs and a Professor in Classics and Ancient History at the University of Warwick. He is also a National Teaching Fellow and Principal Fellow of the Higher Education Academy; Fellow of the Royal Historical Society; Honorary Citizen of Delphi, Greece and President of the Lytham Saint Annes Classical Association.
He was formally the inaugural Director of the Warwick Institute of Engagement and Director of Warwick Classics Network at the University of Warwick; as well as Trustee and Director of Classics for All; a member of The Royal Society Public Engagement Committee; and a member of the Latin Excellence Project Expert Group, appointed by the Minister at the Department for Education, UK.
He is the author of multiple books on the ancient Mediterranean world as well as ancient Global History; and has written and presented a wide range of TV and Radio documentaries for National Geographic, History Channel, ITV and the BBC.
Transcript:
Okay, so I think I am going to enjoy this episode on a really personal level
because I grew up in a naval town and my dad was in the navy,
taught me all about British naval history and he also loved ancient Greek history.
So he used to buy me storybooks to get me interested as well.
And the man we're going to talk about today was in one of those storybooks
is almost a kind of hero, a real life Greek hero.
But I have to admit to you that when I was reading these books as a kid,
I thought his name was pronounced THEM IH STOCK ULS
So maybe I'm not the most qualified person to talk about him.
That's why I have a very special guest for you this week.
Would you like to introduce yourself, please?
Hello, I think, well, I think first off Themistocles is a much better way
to pronounce his name than I normally do, which is traditionally Themistocles
or Themistocles or Themistocles.
Let's go with any of those.
Any of those work, I think, and we can pick and choose as we go through.
So my name is Michael Scott.
I'm a professor of Classics and Ancient History at the University of Warwick,
where I'm also currently the Pro Vice Chancellor for International,
which means I oversee all of the international activities of the university.
And I have long been interested in the ancient Greek and Roman worlds,
writing about them both in academic works and in public facing history books,
as well as kind of working through different social media channels
to communicate my love of the ancient world with the wider world
and also through radio and TV documentaries.
Wonderful.
And it should be mentioned as well, the book Themistocles.
We'll be linking the book in the episode description because you should read it.
But before you read it, listen to this first.
Don't switch off and just go and read the book.
Definitely listen to this first.
This is the only place you're going to hear him called Themisstockles!
So with all of my biography episodes, I like to start from the beginning.
And I always ask my expert guests about childhood and what we know about childhood.
And I know that the answer is probably, we don't know a lot.
But what do we know about Themistocles' birth, his family, and his childhood?
So you're absolutely right.
No one records anyone's birth and early years because we don't know
who's going to turn out to have exciting and interesting careers
worth writing biographies about, right?
So childhood stories of people who go on to do famous things,
particularly in antiquity, are always kind of written from the benefit of hindsight.
And so we do have a number of stories that are told to us about Themistocles
in his early years, but they are all from the perspective of
we know what kind of person he's going to grow into.
And let's focus on some of those events from his early years,
or particular character traits that he may have demonstrated
that seem to sort of show up the early signs of that character that he will become.
In that vein, we hear plenty of stories of his intelligence, his quick-wittedness,
his sort of willingness to not just accept the standard norm of way of doing things,
but to push the boundaries and try and find different ways of doing things.
His willingness to engage in debate and discussion and argument
with his fellow peers at school.
His tendency to go beyond the accepted norms in terms of behavior
and possibly get into a bit of trouble as a result.
And there's a whole wonderful sketch.
If we go centuries down the line and we get to sort of the third century
and we read the material of a guy called Libanus of Antioch
who likes constructing mock court speeches for people to practice on
who wanted to go and become orators.
And he has two speeches, one written by Themistocles against his father
and one written by Themistocles' father against Themistocles.
Both of them complaining at one another about how they've misunderstood one another
during their growing up.
And his dad is sort of tearing his hair out in this speech
about how badly behaved Themistocles has been.
And there's even a story at this point in Libanus
that he ends up actually cutting him off.
The dad cuts off Themistocles because he's behaved so poorly.
But all of that probably goes into the realm of fantasy a bit.
What is I think really surprising and unexpected
of what we hear about his childhood and his birth
is for somebody who becomes so central to the Athenian story.
He actually begins life at the sort of last quarter of the sixth century BCE.
So he's born in 524 BCE.
Actually at a very liminal, disadvantaged, non-traditional elite background.
So his dad is from a good family.
I guess in modern terms we'd call it middle class, maybe middle upper perhaps.
But absolutely not one of the elite aristocratic families,
which at that point in time in the second half of the sixth century
are really ruling Athens.
This is no democracy.
Democracy hasn't been invented.
There's no concept of that.
Athens is under the rule of a tyrant in this part of the sixth century.
So Themistocles's family is not one of those families.
He's not from one of those families that gets traditionally a look in
in the power politics of Athens.
And even more than that, the stories around his mom are really interesting
because they all portray her as non-Athenian.
She's not an Athenian citizen.
And then some sources portray her as being sort of from just outside
the Athenian world.
Some sources portray her as coming from just outside the Greek world.
And some sources portray her as being kind of wholly foreign
from effectively another universe.
And even some go so far as to make her out to be not just
a non-Athenian citizenship, but actually a very low birth.
And in terms of her work, actually working as a prostitute.
The sources are conceptualizing and giving us a picture of Themistocles
when his life starts.
He is not from one of the best families of Athens.
And more than that, his family or his status in society is even more liminal
because he's got an Athenian father, Athenian citizen father,
but definitely a non-Athenian mother.
And depending on which source you believe, perhaps a very non-Athenian mother.
So he is what is technically referred to sort of in the ancient Greek at the time
as a kind of anothos, we translate it as bastard child.
But it means sort of someone who's got one foot in Athenian society
and one foot out of Athenian society.
And so again, when we see that story of him at birth,
there is absolutely no way that if you were putting bets on,
you know, people like that,
that you would put a bet on Themistocles to amount to anything of note in the future.
I think it's really interesting that the sources are really hammering that home.
So Athens is changing during his childhood.
Can you just explain a little bit about what it was like when he was born
as to what it was like when he was reaching maturity?
Yeah, I mean, I think this you pick up on the second really kind of crucial
aspect of his early years, without which I don't think Themistocles
would have gone on to be the famous character that he became.
Because if society had stayed as it was when he was born,
he wouldn't, I don't think have gotten looking
actually in the power politics of the day.
And it's really only thanks to the changing politics around him as he grows up.
Athens transforms into a society that can allow and enable someone like Themistocles to rise.
So, you know, when he's 10, down to sort of 514 BCE,
that's when the next tyrant ruler,
so the one who was ruling when Themistocles was born,
has died and passed sort of power to his son and his two sons in reality.
And in 514, when Themistocles is 10,
one of those tyrants is killed in the great Panathenaic festival of Athens.
And that initiates a period of real cruel tyranny in Athens by the remaining brother,
which leads pretty quickly by 5087.
So when Themistocles is turning 16, you know, he's not quite an adult,
he's, you know, he's aware at this stage to the great uprising in Athens when we're told by the
sources that, you know, the whole of Athens literally rose up in a mass riot to corner
this remaining tyrant, to corner the forces that he'd sort of deployed to keep him in power
and chucked them all out of the city.
And it's at that moment when Themistocles is 16 and in 5087 that an older sort of,
elite aristocratic statesman called Cleisthenes steps forward and suggests a new political
system for Athens, which gives a lot more equal power to more people within the society.
Now, this is what will become democracy, but no one at that stage was using that term.
They were instead referring to it as a system of isonomia or equality before the law,
as it translates.
And we can't underestimate how much of a massive change and a massive step that was.
And as Themistocles becomes 18, he becomes an adult, becomes this,
steps into that kind of position of a citizen,
Athens is starting to have real military victories against other Greek cities and states,
which it never really has had before.
I mean, we're so used to thinking of Athens as the big player in Greek history, aren't we?
But actually, it's okay, but it's nothing special.
You know, it's nothing special.
And really, it's only at the very end of the sixth century,
in these years, immediately after this change in its political system,
that it starts to really have these quite extraordinary victories.
And everyone goes, whoa, you know, what's changed?
What's made Athens so successful?
And people start talking about the political system being responsible for that success
because everyone is now invested in the success of the city and everyone's fighting
for themselves as much as they're fighting for a ruler.
So that's pretty heady stuff for anyone to turn 18 in.
And I think it's absolutely fundamental that as Themistocles begins his career,
if you like, as an adult and as an active citizen within this new society,
suddenly everything has changed and things are possible that were never possible before.
I think one of my favorite anecdotes from Plutarch's biography
is when a man from Seriphos says to him, later in his life, obviously, but says to him,
you wouldn't be who you are without democracy.
And he replied, it's a slightly snarky reply, but he essentially says, well, yeah.
Do we see him then in this really early period immediately start thinking,
even at the age of about 18, the world has suddenly opened up to me,
I'm really going to grab this opportunity and take it?
We would love to know more about what happens really during that turning point of the
6th century and the first decade of the 5th.
So from about 506 when he turns 18 through to the late 490s, that's the period
when he's going through his 20s.
And he, we think, must have been absolutely dead set on, exactly as you say,
taking advantage of this new system and rising up through it.
But we hear almost nothing of how he climbed that kind of early political ladder,
if you want to call it.
But given his background, given the changing system around it,
he can really only have done it, I think, through showing his capabilities
in the different roles that he was entrusted with and being entrusted slowly,
slowly with bigger and more important roles.
Now we get glimpses of it.
So we hear that at some point during this period, he had the role of
water commissioner in Athens.
Now that doesn't sound like a particularly exciting role.
Within the context of Athens, Greece, it's a hot place.
Water's incredibly important for a big city and actually ensuring that the water
keeps running is utterly essential.
And if you muck that up, your reputation is toast, right?
So he seems to have done a pretty good job at some pretty good important meaty roles
where you actually had to deliver.
You couldn't just stand there and talk.
You actually had to deliver.
And we say all of that because when he starts to come back into focus again
for us, and we start to hear more about some of the roles he's occupying,
is at the end of the 490s.
He turns 31 and he's elected chief magistrate of the city, archon of the city.
You had to be 30 as a minimum age to hold this role, and he got it at 31.
That says that he's risen pretty quickly and he's gained a reputation
for being a capable individual within this evolving city-state of Athens
pretty quickly during the 490s.
So he certainly hasn't been hanging around not doing much during his 20s.
He's clearly been putting that to good use and working hard to create a reputation
for himself that puts him in a place to be elected to this really important
magistracy role in the city by the time he's 31.
I think it's really interesting that the sources big up his childhood
anecdotes, but they don't really go into detail about his career,
which I'm assuming there would have been some kind of archive
mentioning his early career.
Yeah, I mean, it's really interesting, isn't it?
And it says something.
I think it says two things.
One is that his career and life and fame will go on to be so
associated with two later moments in his career that everything else sort
of pales into insignificance.
And so the sources who talk about him and his life and his career
that are closest to him in time, so that's Greek historians like
Herodotus and Thucydides, are really fixated on how he plays into
the bigger narratives they're interested in and to these kind of key
moments that he becomes associated with.
They're not telling the biography of Themistocles, they're saying
what did Themistocles do of importance in the story of,
in Herodotus' case, of the war between the Greeks and the Persians.
When you do get to biographies as we would understand them,
you're already centuries down the line and much, much, much further
removed and you're getting towards a writing of biography by people
like Plutarch and others, you know, Plutarch's fame,
Life of Themistocles, where these are constructed as lessons, you know,
they're stories of people's lives that contain lessons to be learned
from, from those who want to go on to achieve great things.
So Plutarch likes to focus on the positives and the big, you know,
the successful points.
So he glosses over this 490s period, perhaps because by that stage
no one knew, centuries down the line, the information just wasn't
by that stage carried forward, and also because it just wasn't
of importance to him in the sense of, again, he was attracted
to the real high points in the career in order to prove Themistocles
such a valuable character to learn from.
So he becomes Archon in 493.
Can you explain a little bit about what that job involved,
what the expectations were?
And do we know how he actually fulfilled his role?
Yeah.
So the role of Archon was a very old one within the Athenian state.
It had existed back in the time of tyranny before that,
and it had been morphing.
And there were, in fact, more than one Archon,
a more than one magistrate.
By the time Themistocles is coming into the role,
there are three main Archons.
There is an Archon who is sort of tasked with overseeing
a lot of the religious activity of the city and maintaining
a good positive relationship between the gods and Athens.
Then there is the Archon who is much more in the military sphere,
and he takes on the lead role in the battles that Athens has to fight.
And then there's the Archon sort of in the middle,
which is what he is, what Themistocles is,
who's tasked with and really got responsibility over
the judicial and political kind of running of the city.
And actually that year that Themistocles was Archon,
we know he had a pretty major piece of kind of politics on his plate,
which was a trial for treason of a man called Miltiades.
Miltiades had been quite a high profile individual,
military general type in Athenian society.
He had been fundamentally involved in what's known as the Ionian revolt.
So this was back in 499, the Persian Empire just across the Aegean Sea,
massive, huge, burnt off of an empire.
A few cities on its western coast, so the coast of Asia Minor of modern-day Turkey,
had decided to sort of rise up and rebel.
And the Athenians, who are beginning, you know,
that's a little bit bolshy one has to say,
they decided to send a couple of ships to aid this rebellion,
you know, that was somehow going to rise up and take down the Persian king.
Now, of course, this rebellion fails completely.
The Ionian revolt is quashed by the Persian king,
and he's sitting there going, who are these Athenians?
And how do they have the temerity to aid my enemies?
And it's that action by the Athenians that sort of provokes
the Persian invasion in 490, which turns into the Battle of Marathon.
But at this stage, Miltiades was involved in the revolt,
and then sort of ended up back in Athens.
And then because of the politicking sort of back in Athens,
he ends up on trial for treason in the year that Themistocles is archon,
and thus kind of overseeing the trial.
So it's a pretty big piece of political theatre,
but that Themistocles is having to engage with,
you know, having taken on this role at a very early age
that you could almost, the earliest age you could take it on.
And I think it should have proved a very instructful case
because Miltiades is acquitted.
And he basically stands there and says,
you need me, I'm pretty good at what I do.
And frankly, I can offer a lot more to the Athenian state.
You're going to get more out of me by letting me go
and letting me do my thing than you are by committing me,
you know, sentencing me for treason.
And so Miltiades is acquitted,
and he sort of goes off on a new campaign.
And then the other thing that sort of happens during the year,
so he's only archon for a year,
that was the way it worked, and then a new person was elected.
The other thing that seems to have started moving
during this period of time is Athens takes a look at its port
that it uses, which at this time was a wide bay
on the southern coast of Attica called Phalaron.
It's not the port that is the modern port of Athens today,
that's Piraeus.
And it's in this moment, supposedly,
that Athens starts to develop the Piraeus for the first time
as a better, bigger, more protected,
more defensible port area than Phalaron is.
Now, of course, down the line, with the benefit of hindsight,
this will be an extremely important decision for these Athenians.
And really become kind of synonymous with
what Athens is famous for, you know, kind of mastery at sea.
Lots of people would like to,
when they're telling the story of Themistocles' career,
they'd like to put Themistocles front and centre
in machinating that decision for the Athenians.
While he was archon, he made them turn to the Piraeus.
I think that's a pretty big, tall order
for people that young and for a year
to completely get an entire city to change its mind
about its kind of military and civilian harbour.
So I suspect it was something that was in the works,
but which he may well have been very positive about as well.
But yeah, those are the two kind of big issues
that kind of come up during his year as archon.
So we've mentioned Persia, we've mentioned the provocation,
and we've mentioned the first Persian invasion.
Let's skip a little bit ahead to the Battle of Marathon.
Persia's invading, which must be terrifying.
Is Themistocles involved in that battle?
So Themistocles, we are pretty sure,
would have been fighting at Marathon.
I would say we are beyond sure, in fact,
that he was definitely there.
And stories are later told about him being really quite annoyed
that he doesn't get as much glory given to him
as some other people get after the battle.
So he's there fighting as part of his political,
his new political kind of tribe organization
that was one of the big rejigs of Cleisthenes back in 508.
And it is an extraordinary success.
The Persians have a massive fleet and navy and army.
They turn up on the shores of Marathon outside of Athens.
It is this astounding victory that is had at Miltiades,
is there involved as the sort of leading Athenian general and others.
And then, you know, what's even more, I think,
kind of meaningful for the Athenians
is that the Persian king had brought with him
the now very old exiled tyrant
that Athens had chucked out back in 508
with the intention of reinstating him
as tyrant ruler of Athens.
So this was not just the Persians bearing down on Athens
to sort of give them a whacking,
but actually to take away from them the political system
that they had now begun to really take to heart
over the last almost 20 years.
And so the Athenians were fighting for not just their freedom,
but for literally for their way of life, their political life.
And when the Persian king, the Persians are defeated
and they sail away again,
it must have felt to kind of, you know, for all,
like they had once again proved the value of that political system.
Absolutely.
So let's go back to Miltiades for a little bit.
When the battle is over,
he is obviously a large part of winning that battle.
How does Athens reward this great general?
Do we see him being able to retire and everyone loves him?
Or do things take a bit of a turn?
Yeah, a bit of a turn, yeah.
I mean, this is one of those moments early on
in the story of Athenian democracy
where you see a different side to Athenian democracy,
a rather unpleasant underbelly, one might say,
which is post the battle,
Themistocles might be annoyed that he hasn't been given
as much honor as others,
and one of his great rivals of his generation
that he's constantly rivaling with throughout his career,
which is a guy called Aristides.
Aristides is given the honor of standing guard
over all the loot they nicked off the Persians
on the battlefield of Marathon,
because he seemed to be that trustworthy
that he's not going to run off with any of it himself,
and Themistocles isn't given that role.
So you can see how Themistocles feels like he's perhaps
not being given his dues.
The level of Miltiades and of the other military generals
that are leading the battle,
there's a real tension afterwards
as to how to commemorate this victory.
Is it the victory of the collective people of Athens,
and therefore any memorials to this victory
should be the Athenian people did this?
Or is it the moment when the individual brilliance
of a general who, in the case of the stories
of the Battle of Marathon and Miltiades,
chose the moment to attack and then decided
on the sort of method and formation of the attack,
and may well have been strategically absolutely key
to the Athenians winning the victory that they did?
Is it a moment where those individuals
can be given that kind of individual recognition?
And what becomes pretty clear pretty quickly
in the years after Marathon, as Marathon shakes out,
is that the Athenians do not want
individual commemoration of success
over and above the collective commemoration of success.
And they're pretty quick to slap anyone down
who tries to make it about them
versus being about the people of Athens.
And that then gathers steam in the 480s
in a different format, which is the introduction of ostracism.
Ostracism, we get the word,
because what the Athenians had was a process whereby
if they were really annoyed,
if the collective Athenian weren't really annoyed at someone,
they gathered together and they all voted
and they wrote the name of somebody
on a discarded piece of pottery,
which in Greek is known as an ostraca,
or the ostracon, and many of them are called ostraca.
And then they would count up these ostraca
in the vote of the ostraca, the ostracism.
And the person with the most votes
would be chucked out of Athens for 10 years.
Can you imagine doing that today?
No, no, no, I mean, it's bonkers.
We would like to do it, you know.
No comment.
The thing was that this system, this option of ostracism,
had probably been in the system since at least 508,
you know, if possibly even before,
but had never been used.
And then suddenly in the 480s,
the Athenians turned to it.
And of all the cases of ostracism that we know about
in the whole of the fifth century BCE,
a hundred year period, half of them occur in the 480s.
So there's a sudden moment here, post-marathon,
post this discussion about how to commemorate
the Battle of Marathon, individual versus the collective,
where the Athenians then start to, as a people,
utilize tools at their disposal, like ostracism,
in a way they've never done before,
and at a pace to get rid of individuals
that they simply don't like.
And that begins, you know, with a couple of people
who have a bit of a shady association with the Persians.
Okay, they might think of treason, point of view treason,
but it morphs quite quickly into people
who are frankly just felt to be too big for their boots
and trying to put the emphasis too much
on the individual versus on the collective.
And that will become the absolute key message,
I think, for anyone trying to rise up
through the Athenian system
and play a fundamental role in Athenian political life.
If they don't learn that message,
they are toast, that there is a very fine line to walk
between coming to enough prominence
for people to hear and listen to you
and follow your advice and your suggested course of action,
being dominant enough to have your voice heard
and being too dominant that the system turns against you
and feels like it has become too much about you
and not enough about the collective citizen body.
So it sounds like he's already taken part,
he's overseen this trial of one of his peers,
he's seeing all of these ostracisms.
It looks like he has two choices.
One is to be quiet and ordinary
and the other is to be extraordinary and really loud,
which is more risky.
So which choice do we see him take in the 480s?
It's definitely the latter.
What's really interesting is that
during those ostracism votes in the 480s,
we have surviving as direct archaeological evidence for us.
The ostraca pieces, right?
Because once they've voted and counted up,
they were just discarded into sort of old wells and buried,
which is fantastic because archaeologists
can come along and dig them up.
And so we get these kind of caches of ostracism votes
that we can then recount up
and we can get a sense of what the votes might have been.
And it's clear in most of these votes through the 480s
that Themistocles is getting some votes.
Some people are going,
no, the person I want to see got rid of is Themistocles.
He's just never the person with the most votes.
So clearly he is not going quietly.
He is not annoying and falling foul
of that fine, delicate tightrope balance
for at least some people.
It's just not enough,
or other people are falling foul of it more.
At the end of the 480s
is when he really comes into prominence,
again, as part of the Athenian political discussions,
because that's when Athens discovers
a new seam of silver at its silver mines in Laurion.
And these silver mines have been going for ages.
People have thought they'd dried up.
But anyway, in the fall, about at 483/2,
they discover this brand new massive seam of silver.
And of course, it's now kind of this people power system,
still not using the word democracy to describe itself,
but increasingly as we've got a sense of it,
the people rule.
So they all get together to discuss what to do with it.
And on the one hand,
some people are advocating that
the silver should be extracted
and then its value should be divided up equally
and every citizen should be given an equal amount.
That's what you do in a system of equality.
And there's Themistocles arguing on the other hand
that actually no, what we should do
is take the whole amount
and use this as a windfall payment
to create for ourselves a fleet
that will catapult Athens into the premier position,
premier naval fleet
and premier naval power in the Aegean.
You can't take it away from Themistocles, I think.
That is a brilliant tactical move,
irrespective of what's going to happen
a couple of years down the line,
which is Persia is going to come back with a big Navy.
But within that context of just the Greek context,
it was a brilliant move
because two things were very clear at that stage.
One is Athens had got a bit better
in terms of land victories
and started having some land victories.
But it was never going to be able to challenge
the really big land powers.
They were the Spartans with their Spartan warriors.
They were the other bigger landed states
that could just field more troops.
On land, it was never going to dominate.
But at sea, the question of domination was open
and it could, with this windfall,
catapult itself to the forefront of the line.
The other second point was
if Athens was having trouble
with other Greek city-states at the time
that this debate was happening in the 480s,
it really was with some of the smaller islands
just off the coast of Athens,
particularly Aegina,
that it was having a real problem.
And Aegina had a fleet because it was an island.
What else could it have?
And it was raiding the Athenian coastline
on a fairly regular basis.
So in this context,
when actually Greek city-states
spent a lot of time fighting one another.
Pumping the money as this massive windfall
into putting yourself as the premier
seaborne player in the Greek world
was a really astute move.
Very clever.
It has always been painted to me, at least,
that he was the sole voice that realized
that, I mean, spoiler alert,
we call it the first Persian invasion, as you say.
They came back.
Second Persian invasion, the sequel.
That it's painted as Themistocles
was the only one who knew
they were going to return one day
and that he was the only one that was arguing
that they should build up their military force
instead of a lot of grapes and wine
and girls and song.
Yeah, I mean, absolutely.
In those biographies,
particularly when we think about Plutarch
writing centuries later,
this is set up as for Themistocles
having the foresight and the intuition
to understand what this fleet
would come to be used for.
Plutarch spends quite a lot of time
talking about the fact that
though the fact that Themistocles knew this,
he realized that this was not an argument yet
that would convince anyone else
because everyone else thought
the Persians had gone away for good.
And so if he wanted to win the argument,
he realized, even more cleverly,
that he would have to make the argument
based on other more local enemies and actors
like Aegina, for instance.
So we do have a picture painted for us
in the much later sources
of somebody who is uniquely foresightful
and able to manipulate the Athenian people
into a course of action
which they didn't need anyone,
you know, they didn't realize
what it was really all about.
Now, I find that a bit of a stretch
That Themistocles was the only one in Athens
that had any inkling
that the Persians would come back.
And I don't think we need to believe that
for it still to have been an argument
that made sense, you know,
and won the day as it did in the assembly.
And the Athenians go,
all right, yeah, let's do this.
Let's take the initiative.
Let's go on the offensive.
Let's build that fleet
and let's become a naval power
on our own right.
Persian invasion 2 Electric Boogaloo,
they're on their way back.
What's happening in Athens
and how are the Persians
actually arriving into Greece itself?
What's Themistocles having
to think about at this point?
Yeah, I mean, you know, Themistocles
is not the kind of leader of Athens, right?
At any point, he gets eventually
commissioned to sort of lead
the Athenian fleet,
but there's also an Athenian
land army commander.
And more importantly,
they're all linked up with
a number of other Greek city states
who are willing to put up forces
to defend against the Persians.
And that kind of overall
pan-Greek fleet, if you like,
has an overall commander as well.
It was not Themistocles.
In that sense, he's operating
within a nexus of a number
of powerful and important voices
that he's constantly having to
think through around influence
and contend with.
And you're right, you know,
so the Persians come back.
The Persians come back
with a land army bigger than anything
that's ever been seen before
and a fleet that's bigger
than anything that's been seen before.
And they move through.
The land army kind of
marches across northern Greece
with the fleet following it
along the coastline,
marches down through Greece
and effectively meets
relatively little opposition.
Most Greek city states
capitulate in one form or another.
So we have to remember,
there are, we think,
probably about a thousand
Greek city states in total.
And the number of Greek city states
who were actually listed
in the memorials
after the Persian invasion
as having stood up to the Persians,
total 31.
So it gives us a sense of actually,
when people talk about this
as a moment when
all of Greece came together,
it's not really all of Greece.
It's 31 Greek city states
that are plucky enough
and courageous enough
to not sort of give way.
But this land army
is sweeping down through Greece.
It gets held up
for a brief while at Thermopylae,
queue the Spartans,
brilliant land forces,
Leonidas, the 300 Spartans,
all of that jazz.
They are kind of holding
a line off the coast of Thermopylae
at a place called Artemisium.
Themistocles is there.
They're engaging with the Persian fleet
at Artemisium
as Thermopylae is going on.
When the Spartans are eventually all killed
and the Persians sweep down
past Thermopylae,
there's no point holding
a line at Artemisium.
So the Greek fleet falls back
to south of Athens,
to the small island of Salamis,
just off the southern coast
of the territory of Athens, of Attica.
And that's the point when
we hear of the Athenians themselves
voting and deciding
to evacuate their own city.
And the stories are that Thermistocles
is heavily involved with this decision.
And so the Athenians are scarpering.
A number have come over
to the island of Salamis to escape
and they are having to watch
as the city of Athens goes up in smoke.
The Persians turn up and they burn it.
Because if you think about it,
this is payback.
Still, the Ionian revolt
that happened back almost 20 years
previously in 499
and to the Athenian involvement in it,
which involved the Athenians
actually setting fire to
a number of really important
Persian cities and particularly
some of the Persian temples.
So this is payback now.
The Persians turn up
and they burn Athens to the ground.
So the question at this point becomes
in 480, around about September 480,
is where do the Athenians
and the rest of the Greeks
decide to make their stand?
And most of the Greeks
don't want it to be in Salamis.
They want to withdraw
down further south,
past the Isthmus,
that tiny little narrow corridor of land
that connects, if you like,
the main land of Greece
with the Peloponnese main land of Greece.
And they want to go south of the Isthmus
and they want to use the land forces
to kind of block the Isthmus
and then they want to use the fleet
to guard around that being encircled.
But Themistocles is desperately keen
to keep everyone at Salamis.
And again, this is where the stories
talk about his sort of insight
and brilliance and his kind of
and cunning plan
to try and entice the Persian fleet
into the very narrow straits of water
between the island of Salamis
and the mainland of Attica.
Because in those narrow straits
it will be more about
the maneuverability
and tactical superiority of your ships
and those who know the waters
and where things get shallow
and where they don't
and the currents and all of that jazz,
more than it will be about
sheer numbers of ships.
Now I've been to Eleusis
and I've kind of looked out
to the island of Salamis.
It really is a narrow strait.
So how does the battle work?
Yeah, I mean, it is a very narrow strait
and one of the things
that now comes to the fore
in his naval kind of battle parlance
is the design of the ships
that are fighting on both sides.
So the Persian fleet had built bigger ships
that could cover greater distances
and be at open sea for longer
because they had to travel further.
They had to come all the way around
from Persia and descend down
the coast of Greece.
So these are bigger ships
that are, as a result, less maneuverable.
They've also been in the water for longer
because they've had a long journey
and these ships, as a result,
the wood of the ships sort of absorbed water
which made them heavier,
which made them even less maneuverable
versus the Athenians
that had in their new fleet building
just of a couple of years before
had invested heavily
in a kind of new design of warship
that was known as a trireme.
And this was three banks of oars,
three rows trireme.
About 150 people rowing in total.
And fundamentally it was built
not for big open sea crossings
but for short, sharp, fast engagements
and battles.
And so it was given a battering ram
at the front of the ship
that was covered in bronze.
And its main purpose was to row
really fast, really quickly
at an enemy ship,
send the battering ram
bashing through the side of the ship.
Then you reverse
and you allow the ship to sink
and job done
and you move on to the next one.
So these were designed
to be more maneuverable.
They were designed to be more agile
and more kind of ferocious
in close combat, if you like,
in naval terms.
But also the Athenians
have been able to draw
all of their ships out of the water
on the beaches at Salamis
and dry them out to a certain extent
on the beaches at Salamis
so that they were less waterlogged
and even more maneuverable.
And then on top of that
the Athenians knew the straits.
They knew where actually
things get very shallow very quickly,
which is true.
When you do a sort of,
I don't know what the technical term for it is,
but you do a sort of 3D
cut in half of the strait
so you see where the sort of
the water and the depth
of the water goes at each point.
Actually it's quite shallow
for quite a lot of that narrow strait
and there's only really
a very deep part in the very middle.
And so the Persians wouldn't know that.
They wouldn't have been used
to sailing in the strait.
The Athenians and other Greeks
would have done.
So they would have known the straits.
They would have known where they could sail
without getting beached.
And of course if a ship got beached
then it was just a sitting duck to be round.
And on top of that
there were also very difficult currents
because that water is flowing fast
around the island of Salamis
and out the back and out.
So again, you had to know
and be experienced
in the waters of the region
to be able to work effectively within it.
Fundamentally, after all
it was a narrow strait
which meant only a few ships
could be engaging really at any one time.
And you couldn't be encircled.
So the Persian technique
with a vast number of ships
was simply to spread out
and envelop you
like the tentacles of an octopus
in a circle
so that all of the ships couldn't escape
and then they could take their time
picking off the ships as they wanted to.
They do that in the Straits of Salamis.
So with this battle
I think again in the stories that we're told
and definitely in that 300 movie sequel
Themistocles is the single-handed leader
the saviour of the Greek world
in that movie particularly.
Is it a case that Themistocles
is winning this by himself
or is it more of a case
that teamwork makes the dream work?
Well, he's certainly not winning it by himself
without everyone showing up
and Herodotus is quite clear
that there are lots of individuals
who do brave things that day
on both sides to be honest.
But what comes to be associated
as Themistocles’ main contribution
is that in the night before the battle
effectively the Greek nerve is failing completely
and he's tried lots of ways
to hold the Greek nerve
to stay at Salamis and take on the Persians.
He's tried interpreting religious omens
like utterances from the Oracle of Delphi
to sort of stiffen resolve.
He's tried threats.
He's tried saying
look if you leave here
I'm going to take the entire Athenian fleet
which is the biggest contingent
and we're going to sail off
to the western Mediterranean to Sicily
and we're going to allow you guys
just to be crushed
so sayonara.
And then he's tried
brilliant kind of convincing tactics
going look let's go
and invite some local gods
to come and be on board our ships
and help us even more.
So he sends this ship off
to a nearby island
which is supposed to be the home
of a particular god
with a very nice couch
on the deck of the ship
and they sort of ceremoniously
encourage the god
to come and take up residence
on the couch
and then row him back
to be part of the Greek fleet.
So he's tried all these techniques
but it's still not working effectively.
The Greek nerve is failing
and so supposedly what he does
we're told in all the sources
is that he sends his slave at night
across the Greek lines
to the Persian camp
to get a message
to the Persian king
to say Themistocles wants to
actually change sides
he wants to commit treason
he wants to come over to the Persians
and as a token of his goodwill
to the Persian king
he wants to let the Persian king know
that the Greeks are all about to flee
and what the Persian king should do
is send in the ships
immediately into the Persian Straits
otherwise everyone's going to flee
and he won't get the victory he wants.
Now with the benefit of hindsight
that this turns out to be brilliant tactics
to bring the Persians into the Straits
and then there is a Greek victory
what this is often put forward as
nearly always put forward as
is Themistocles tricking the Persian king
a brilliant ruse to trick the Persian king
but you know we have to say
that at the same time
this was a hugely risky move
for Themistocles
because if any of the Greeks
had found out about it
it was Themistocles committing treason
full stop.
Oh yeah of course.
And you know kind of
he would have been dealt with
if the Greeks had found out about it
you know pretty harshly equally
you know was this Themistocles
bright clever Themistocles
looking at this
and taking a view of it
and saying well look you know
if it works I still think
the battle should happen here
so you know as the best tactical place
to have the battle
so it brings on the battle
and if we lose well you know
I've buttered my toast on both sides
and I'm well in with the Persian king as well
so you know it is very hard
to get a sense of
of what Themistocles
was really intending here
in my view you know
and what he goes on to do later in life
I see it you know
as his just fundamental frustration
with the Greeks
and his true and utter belief
that this was actually the best place
for them to make their stand
and he's run out of other options
to convince them to do so
and so he's got to sort of force the battle
but he does so it cannot be denied
a huge personal risk.
You mentioned the Delphic oracle there
and can we talk more about this specific prophecy
because I think it's one of my favourite examples
of a really vague answer
Yeah so I mean you know several years before
when Athenians had sort of started hearing
about the Persians sort of coming for them
they they'd sent some ambassadors
to the the Delphic oracle
the most premier kind of oracular
you know respondent oracle of Apollo
and sort of asked you know what should be done
and the first response
apparently to these Athenian ambassadors
was run away run away you know
the Athenian ambassadors were like
we can't go back with that answer
you know give us another answer
and so this you know famously enigmatic
and ambiguous answer came back
which is trust in your wooden walls
and that actually as we come to understand
the Delphic oracle
you know that's not an unusually ambiguous thing
to come out of the oracle
lots of their responses of the oracle were ambiguous
and it helps us understand
what the Delphic oracle was in reality
it wasn't a kind of mystic meg
telling you exactly what your future would be
People tend to characterize the Delphic oracle now
as what we might call a sense-making mechanism
or a kind of indicator to more debate
discussion and insight
because the Athenians had to take that answer back
and they sat there in their assembly
discussing what it meant
you know and people were saying
well on the one hand
it could mean the wooden old wooden walls
of the Acropolis at the heart of Athens
where one day the Parthenon would be built
you know we should all just barricade ourselves
up on top of the Acropolis and wait it out
others like Themistocles were arguing
that actually no it meant the wooden walls
of those ships that they'd just built
you know and we should trust in the fleet
and that means we should evacuate Athens
etc etc
So it was a push for the Athenians
to then sort of have to make their own decision
it wasn't that the oracle gave them the answer
the oracle gave them an answer
which they then had to debate
and fundamentally at the end of the day
they had to decide how to act.
So that's the important takeaway
is that the oracle at Delphi was not a magic eight ball…
Yeah you know one person once said to me
a businessman when I was talking to him about Delphi
once said to me
oh so Delphi sounds a bit like a management consultant
you pay them quite a bit of money
they give you some kind of answer
leave you basically with the decision
to make about what you're going to do
and you know there is quite a lot of truth in that
that's what the Delphic oracle was
and fundamentally if you see people turn up at the oracle
expecting a direct and clear answer
they normally are chastised for having misunderstood
what the whole point in coming was.
I mean I couldn't have an episode
without talking about Delphi
for at least two minutes with you.
One of my favourite places in the world!
Me too!
So let's go back to Salamis
it's a big success
Themistocles, if he's been paying attention,
has seen that characters who are extraordinary
as we mentioned
may have a little bit of a knockback
Does he manage to rein in his ego after 480?
I think this is fascinating
this for me is his first big rise and fall
you know here he is
he's commanded the Athenian fleet
he's obviously a big voice at Salamis
he's obviously done so much to bring about
the battle and force the battle
and after the battle
there's quite a big debate around
who should be given the prizes
because they did have prizes
for sort of the best and most valiant
everyone votes for themselves first we're told
and then votes for Themistocles second
but when everyone votes again
and you know the indication is
well should we all go for Themistocles
no one can agree on who to give this prize to
so they don't give it to anyone
so you know you can see this tension
immediately after the battle
and what's even more fascinating
is that that's a sea victory
480 battle of Salamis
there's still a big Persian land army to defeat
but obviously Salamis gives the Greeks momentum
and encourages more Greeks to join
the kind of Greek forces
and so the next year in 479
at the battle of Plataea
you get the big land battle
where the Greeks again
then defeat the Persians on land
and the Persians then retreat completely
Themistocles is nowhere to be seen
he completely drops out of view
entirely after Salamis
Plutarch is is really quite embarrassed by this
you know here's the story of a guy
that you know is supposed to be all about
you know fame and you should emulate
and so he just completely sort of covers over it
and moves on the story very quickly
Themistocles comes back into favor
but it is a classic example I think
of Themistocles having been really important
to the Athenian people at a moment
and then when the stakes change
when the focus changes to land
and to land battles
and to the reclaiming of the city
you know Themistocles is not the person
they're listening to
and they drop him as fast as they rose him up
you know and listen to him in the first place
so it's a rise and fall moment
that happens very very quickly
after this this seemingly kind of you know
what will become kind of the first key moment
that Themistocles is associated with him
which is fame centers around the battle of Salamis
he's dropped like a stone afterwards
and he has to in the through the 470s
he has to kind of if you like reinvent himself
and come up with another issue
that he can sort of pin himself to
and get the Athenian attention again
and that new issue turns out to be wall building.
Okay so in an effort to stay relevant
he's got to come up with a new thing to pull focus.
Yeah and you know kind of that thing for him
is saying to the Athenian people
we need to build a massive and stout set
city walls around Athens
because although the Persians have gone off
actually remember the Greeks spend most of their time
fighting against one another
we need to be better protected
and he manages to whip up the Athenians
into a sort of frenzy of wall building
around the city in the 470s
and you know kind of this is the second later on thing
that he will become kind of infamous
for being associated with
and those walls that run around the city of Athens
and also walls that they started building
around the new port at Piraeus
will eventually later on in the 5th century
be connected by long walls
that connect the Piraeus with the city of Athens
making Athens as a city extremely defendable
against attack and able to withstand
a kind of long-term siege
because of their access to the port and thus to the sea.
So it sounds like growing up in a nascent radical democracy
it did allow someone with his background to rise
but it also sounds like the Demos was quite fickle
and that they weren't necessarily going to
carry on giving him the credit
that he may have thought he was due
he had to continually carry on coming up with things
to make himself front and centre
I mean what are the options?
Fade into obscurity or get kicked out?
Yeah you know kind of and I think this was the
this is the harsh reality of Athenian democracy
that we rarely talk about I think
that it was it used people up and chewed them out
and sent them on their way on a very regular basis
and there are any number of figures
that we could look at during the 5th and 4th century
that it does this to
and what's really I think important in the 470s
is that this is the period
that the Athenian political system becomes democracy
and the Athenians start calling it democracy
and using the word democratia
and in fact we know that names
the name for a boy born in the 470s
like democritos becomes a really popular name
to call your son democracy
sort of thing in this period
and this is the period when you know
they really are as a collective going
we are something incredibly special
we are something about people power
that people power is fundamentally associated
with the sea with our fleet
you know and our ability to carry victory at sea
and it's weirdly in the middle of that
after Themistocles has had his kind of second rise
if you like on the back of his wall building
that Themistocles seems to have forgotten
the fundamental rule about not stepping off
the tightrope balance
between it being about you
and it being about the collective
and yeah in the 470s
he dedicates a small temple in the deme
where he lives the small little area
where he lives in Athens
and it's a temple to Artemis
absolutely great
Artemis plus an epithet
which is Aristobules
Artemis the wise counselor
the best counselor
that's absolutely fine too
you know absolutely great
problem is he we're told
he puts a bust of himself
in the temple precinct
so this is a pretty unsubtle message
that you know actually
all the Athenians should all be worshiping
Themistocles for his wisdom
and his counsel
this goes down like an utter lead balloon
I can imagine
they're going like
they have the right to do this
and tell us what we should be doing
and that begins a process
through the rest of the 470s
where just momentum starts to gather
against Themistocles
and we hear that by 471
another ostracism takes place
and this time the person
with the biggest number of votes
is Themistocles
and so he's had his rise and fall
by Salamis
he's had his rise
on the back of city walls
and then he seems to muck it up himself
entirely through the rest of the 470s
and ends the 470s
ostracized from Athens for 10 years.
So do we think it's just this one temple
that caused it
or maybe was he just quite abrasive
and egocentric
do we get any hint?
Yeah I mean Plutarch
gives us lots of stories
of similar kinds of arrogant statements
that keep putting people's backs up
and he does it in lots of different places
he does it in the theatre
you know the theatre was absolutely essential
for the fledgling
you know for the Greek democracy
going to the theatre
at the great Dionysia festival
was an absolutely essential part
of what it meant to be in Athenian
and they stopped all business
during the festival
everyone was supposed to attend
all the citizens were supposed to attend
and Themistocles is actually the sponsor
of a play
so this is one of those plays
where it's talking about Salamis
in part
and you know there's a very veiled
sort of bit of the play
that alludes to almost by name
to Themistocles' brilliant work
and counsel and you know everything else
so there is an argument to be made
that he did bring some of this upon himself
yeah that he brings this upon himself
and fortunately he's out.
It must be quite difficult
to navigate a completely new type
of political system
when you've grown up with it
and you haven't been able to see
that many peers go through the system?
Yeah I don't know
because you know he has!
He's seeing people come and go
up and down rise and fall
and so it is it is an extraordinary
kind of unanswerable
that either he did just become
you know he just got to the point
where he was like well you know
I really do believe I'm this important
but he forgot all the lessons
you know a couple of decades
of career in Athenian politics
should have drummed into him
and it and it's quite remarkable
what I don't think he realized
was was quite how much
tide could turn you know so quickly
because in 471 he's he's exiled
he's ostracized now okay
you have to spend 10 years
living somewhere else
and you could come back
and he could reclaim his Athenian life
no no problem
but what happens very quickly afterwards
is that the people don't let this go
and the people who really dislike him
use this as an opportunity
to gather even more momentum
and they get him pretty quickly
associated with a plot
to try and bring back
the Persian king again
and effectively he finds himself
just a couple of years later
on trial for treason in Athens
and he doesn't go back
he's he's exiled
he's totally has to come back
to stand trial
he's like I'm not coming back
to stand trial
so he doesn't come back in person
and so he's tried in absentia
and he is found guilty
and he is sentenced to death
so he's gone from being
you know kind of
a really important figure
in Athenian politics
a savior of Athens twice perhaps
to by the early 460s
he is guilty of treason
and he is sentenced to death
and then there is no way back.
So he's in exile
he can't go home
or he'll be killed
he's been accused of
cozying up to Persia
I'm guessing
that a sensible person
wouldn't prove all of his
enemies right by going to Persia
would he?
Yeah I mean the issue is
he tries to find somewhere else
to go and safely sit
he flies up to
and goes up to northern Greece
to some of the
the kind of ethnic tribes
and kingdoms in northern Greece
and tries to sort of
hide up there
but basically now
that the Athenian
and the and particularly
the Spartan sort of
thirst for Themistocles
his blood has got hot
and they pursue him
and he quickly realizes
that there's basically going to be
nowhere in the Greek world
that he is actually going to be safe
and so in the mid 460s
you know he's in his mid 50s
by this stage
you know young man
like particularly in ancient terms
he looks around
and he makes what I again
I think is an extraordinarily
courageous decision
and he sort of says
look the only place I can go
potentially have a chance
is Persia
and so he sets sail
you know he gets on board a boat
manages to get across
to the Persian territory
of modern-day Turkey
and then has to make his way secretly
all the way through
into the interior of the Persian empire
to where the court of the king is
all of this time
there's a bounty on his head
and he's had to leave
everything behind
you know he's
we think his wife
his children
all of his money
his fortune
everything
and somehow we're told
by the sources
he manages to get a session
in front of the Persian king
now this might be
the same king
that he tricked at Salamis
or it might be his son
who's just taken over
because we're not quite sure
of the years
and at the timings
and one of the two
but it's either the guy he tricked
or his son
who you know obviously
knows the name of Themistocles
and knows the role
that this this guy has played
so we know that the Persians hold a grudge
yeah yeah as the bounty on his head
but you know what he
what we're told in the sources
is that he he says
to the Persian king says look
give me a year
to learn Persian
so that I can speak to you
in your own language
and I can be of use to you
I can be of use to you
and the Persian king
is said to grant that request
and then Themistocles
spends an entire year
ferociously learning Persian
and he's said to become
the Greek who knew
how to speak Persian best
in all of in all of
kind of Greek history
you know no one
learnt it better than he did
so and he really did
manage to get himself
very very quickly
completely change his his colors
and and live and speak
and fight for his life
in a completely different language
and culture
and but he became
a trusted and close confidant
of the Persian king
more so than any other
Greek had been before him
so it is really a remarkable
third rise if you like
a third reinvention
of Themistocles
in these final decades of his life
in which he has to
quite literally
totally reinvent himself.
I'm trying to put myself
in his shoes
and I'm finding that
I can't really blame him
for deciding to make this
swerve if you like
I think if I was looking
back at my career
and the city that I'd worked
so hard to help
had thrown me out
and then condemned me
to death for treason
I think I would lose
quite a lot of loyalty.
Yeah I mean you know
kind of when he happily
beds down and lives
through the rest of the
60s the Persian king
gives him a living
sort of basically
the three different cities
that he gets to sort of
keep the income from
and he issues his own coins
and you know he has
a pretty good couple of years
and then in 459
by this time he's
just about mid 60s
the Persian king comes to him
and says right
I've dealt with a few rebellions
that I had to sort out
I am now ready to take
the fight back to Greece
and it's now time for you to
deliver on your promise
of being useful
and tell me how to
finally defeat Greece
you know you're the one
who's going to
mastermind my campaign
and so he
Themistocles is finally
at this point
he's faced with
the ultimate decision
does he really
turn on the Greeks
in the way that
the Greeks turned on him
and lead a campaign
you know of the Persian king
to defeat Greece
once and for all
or does he do
the only other thing
he can do
because there's nowhere else
he can go
he can't go back to Greece
he won't be safe
he doesn't do what
the Persian king asks of him
there is nowhere else
for him to go
and he chooses instead
to commit suicide
and to take
what in Persian culture
and Greek culture at the time
was considered
the kind of honorable
way out
and he's respected
for that by the Persian king
who you know
gives him a proper funeral
and a nice tomb
in the cities
that he'd been sort of
living and ruling over
and so we get this
very odd picture
for someone who is
a Greek hero
is that when he died
in 459 in the mid 60s
he was honored by the Persians
but he was still
someone who had been
sentenced to death
for treason
and a hated figure
within Greece
and particularly Athens
and so we're left
with this question of
how does he end up
becoming this Greek hero
that by the time
that Thucydides is writing
so at the end
of the 5th century BCE
Thucydides can write
that he is
Themistocles
is the most illustrious
Greek of his time
It's just a little bit
too late for Themistocles then
It's a little bit too late
you know kind of
but I think
the lesson for me
or kind of
when I was writing this
but the thing that
two things sort of
really struck home
for me writing this
but one is that
however successful
anyone's career appears
to be
when you look closely
you'll find that there is
an awful lot of rise and fall
in everyone's career
even those of the most successful
and equally I think
most importantly
that no decision
when viewed through hindsight
successful people's careers
can often look very assured
that they knew
what they were doing
that every step
was obviously going to lead
to the next successful step
and actually that's not
how careers are lived
and that's not how lives are lived
and for me
writing this biography
was a really important reminder
that you know
actually for Themistocles
there was no assuredness
any point he made
as many bad calls
as he did good calls
and you know
he had all of these rises and falls
and he certainly didn't know
where his decision was
going to take him
the second thing
that kind of came to me
writing this book
is you're left with Themistocles
when he dies
in this very odd
limbo of reputation
and yet very quickly
he gets massively rehabilitated
to become this Greek hero
and that needs explaining
you know
it's not Themistocles doing that
it's the world doing that
or the Greek world doing that
retelling its history
retelling it the story
of its past to itself
because it needs to
and trying to understand that need
I think is really important
in the 450s
that's the decade
when Athens
really starts to rule an empire
that's when the
the Delian League
the kind of alliance of ships
that it was leading
to take the fight to Persia
morphs into effectively
the Athenian imperial fleet
that goes around
throwing its weight around
and forcing people
to become part of the Athenian empire
and it's really in the 450s
that Athens kind of rises
to this great height
of power and influence
across the Aegean
it's going to be in the 440s
that they then start using
the money from that empire
to build the Parthenon
it's a great kind of monument
to Athenian democracy
on the top of the Acropolis
a monument to democracy
and empire really
and Athens is absolutely
at the height of its game
and when it looks at itself
and tells the story of its rise
to itself
suddenly the fleet
and its power at sea
becomes absolutely essential
to that narrative
and whom was best associated
with that sea fleet
and power at sea story
it was Themistocles
so by the big time
we get into the late 450s
and into the 440s
actually Athens has had
to completely conveniently
and brilliantly forget
that Themistocles died
convicted of treason
and rehabilitate him as a hero
we know we hear a portrait of him
was hung inside the Parthenon
for instance
that was there for centuries
his sons were invited back
to live in Athens
all the kind of stigma
around his name was cancelled
and he becomes this great hero
and then later in the
the last decades
of the fifth century
when Athens will end up
in the great Peloponnesian war
the great Greek civil war
against Sparta
what will become really important
for Athens then
to help ensure its survival
is its city walls
because it has to constantly
sort of defend itself
against attack from other Greeks
who is responsible
for the city walls
ah actually it was Themistocles
so again this sort of
Themistocles gets
even more heightened
and talked about
as this great savior
and architect if you like
of Athenian greatness
by having been fundamentally involved
in the creation of his fleet
and in the creation
of its city walls
and his reputation
becomes so assured
as a result
and so kind of changed
from the death
from when he actually died
that Thucydides can call him
the most illustrious Greek
of his time
and then that sticks
and in the following century
in the fourth century
when a lot of Athenian historians
are sort of moaning
about the glory days
and the golden age
of the fifth century
and how it's not quite
as good as it was
and how people just aren't made
as heroic as they were
back in the day
of the fifth century
people like Themistocles
you know that
that positive reputation then
becomes sort of ingrained
and etched in history
as if it were history
rather than a convenient retelling
that the Greeks wanted
to tell themselves
and which the Athenians
particularly wanted
to tell to themselves
in the decades after
Themistocles had died
convicted of treason
So it was less a PR campaign
for the man
and more of a PR campaign
for the city
Absolutely
you know he benefits
from the story
that the city needs
to tell itself
about itself
So you have written
a modern biography
what are the ancient sources
that you were able to use
that talk about Themistocles?
So they divide into three categories
the first in terms
of the literary sources
the ones that are closest
to him in time
are the great histories
of Herodotus and Thucydides
Now these are not biographies
these are historical narratives
and Herodotus
has a bigger question to answer
which is fundamentally
what brought the Greeks
and Persians into conflict
with one another
and obviously
Themistocles is going to be
is going to pop up in that story
on numerous occasions
So Herodotus gives us
snippets of Themistocles' life
when it becomes important
to answering his bigger question
and then Thucydides
kind of picks up
that narrative of Greek history
and he's writing about
the great Greek civil war
the Peloponnesian war
that occupies the second half
of the fifth century
Now obviously Themistocles
is dead by now
and so he's not
an active participant
if you like in that war
but because of the things
he did during his lifetime
that suddenly become of importance
to Athens
the fleet, the city walls
and a number of other things
he becomes worthy of mention
and when Thucydides
is reflecting back
that's when he kind of looks back
and he talks about Themistocles
being the most illustrious
Greek of his time and era
So we get these two
kind of great Greek narratives
historical narratives
that are within the same century
like as Themistocles
At the same time
sort of second category of evidence
is the what we might call
contemporary and near-contemporary evidence
for Themistocles
which is mostly archaeological
and epigraphical
So you know kind of in that sense
the archaeological evidence
is things like
the remains of the temple
that he set up
that we've actually excavated
and uncovered
It's things like the coins
that he issued
when he was governor in Persia
during the last decade of his life
and it's things like the ostrich
that we've managed to dig up
that have got the kind of
Themistocles' name on
and so we get these contemporary
real physical pieces of evidence
that we can turn to
and occasionally they're literary as well
so things like
Aeschylus' play
Persians About the Battle of Salamis
and its veiled references
to the important role
that Themistocles played
So we get a really important
category of evidence
which is but it's snippets
It's little kind of moments
that emerge from that
that contemporary record
that we can only really make sense of
thanks to the later literary sources
Those are on the first time
the Herodotus and Thucydides
from the same century
and then we have to travel forward
in time
Several centuries
when we get to the era
of the biography writing
Plutarch obviously
is the most famous
with his life of Themistocles
but there were others
who wrote lives of Themistocles
like Cornelius Nepos
and obviously we talked
a little bit about
the much, much later
kind of rhetorical treatises
that come from people
like Libanus of Antioch and others
and these are stories
that are very, very, very moralistic
particularly Plutarch
He's writing about lives of people
that are positive examples
to emulate
and so the story we get told
is not only far removed in time
from the events that it's talking about
but it is designed
to tell a very particular narrative
and give a very particular outcome
and has a sort of very
positive spin, if you like, on Themistocles
as an individual as a result
and so we have to take those
much later narratives
with a certain pinch of salt
no doubt Plutarch was working
and building on
historical sources
which were available to him
which just haven't survived to us
and we can do a bit of cross-referencing
and you know
to find out where multiple sources
are sort of saying the same thing
but fundamentally at the end of the day
we have to remember
this is not a factual biography
that is without its own agenda
and I think that's absolutely crucial.
Absolutely.
What about historians
of the past couple of centuries?
Has his reputation amongst historians
changed over the recent centuries
that he's been written about by classicists?
Yeah you know I find it quite fascinating
you know he's often mentioned
right kind of I've lost count
the number of times
I would have mentioned his name
in relation to the wider story
of Greek and Athenian history
but actually as a figure to focus in on
he has not often been a figure
that people choose to tell
that kind of complete story.
I mean it's interesting that
if you go back to the Roman era
sources for a moment
you know Cicero himself
is sitting there
scratching his head a little bit
going I don't quite get
why Themistocles is so lauded
in Athenian narratives
and Greek narratives of history
because at the end of the day
he really only did two things
you know Battle of Salamis
and the city walls
and he's lauded more
than people who invented
entire systems that people lived by
for decades and centuries.
So it was a bit of a puzzle for Cicero
and I think because Themistocles' fame
is so associated with events
it sort of stopped people
or prevented people in a way
from telling that kind
of wider biographical story.
You know there's been a number
of kind of attempts
to sort of tell the biography
and bring it into relationship
with naval history for instance
or kind of thinking
about Athenian empire
but for me it was
it was a real revelation
to sort of be putting
this biography together
and to see those rises and falls
and that assuredness
at complete lack of assurance
from Themistocles
as he was walking
through his career
and to understand kind of him
as a character
and where he came from
particularly as an individual
how much he benefited
from the fact that the system
was changing around him.
I think there's a lot
to be learnt and understood
from kind of the focuses
on these individuals
as much as we possibly can
and much as the evidence
allows us to do so.
So just to wrap it up
what was the main impact
that you came away from
after you've written the book
the main impression that you got
that you thought really
really struck you
as important or surprised you maybe?
I mean for me writing the book
and it's dedicated
to my two-year-old son Wilbur
who you know is definitely
reading this book right now.
He's much more interested.
But down the line
as he grows up
he will read this book
as that reminder
that no career however successful
is actually as assured
and linear
as it might appear to be
or be written up to be.
And that actually
the number of rises and falls
in Themistocles' career
he could have as a theme tune
life is a roller coaster
because he really is
an up and down, up and down
up and down career
and that gets masked
by the way that his reputation
has ended up being curated
and created around these moments
of success.
And so that reminder for me
of both the nature of careers
more generally
and the nature of Themistocles'
career more specifically
is the most important takeaway
for me from this book.
And as a result
kind of reminds you
the power of writing
and the power of history tellers
in curating the story
and takes you back then
to those reminders
that history is not
a series of facts
one after the other.
History is always
an active choice
in the telling
and the retelling
of past events
to fit a particular present purpose.
And so I'm reminded constantly
of those phrases
that talk about history is not dead
it's not even past
or kind of the only thing
that's really certain
is the future
because the past
just keeps on changing.
You know it reminds us
of the power of the storytellers
in creating our senses
of what has come before us.
There is this story in Plutarch
that Themistocles is once challenged
as to whether he would want
to be Achilles the doer
the great hero
or whether he'd want to be Homer
the great storyteller.
And Themistocles is supposed to have said
without a shout
moment hesitation
that he wanted to be Achilles.
He wanted to be the doer
the great hero.
And I just wonder
kind of you know
when we reflect on that story
and we reflect on the life
of Themistocles
and we reflect on the fact
about the power of storytelling
that if Themistocles
could understand his own life
you know with the benefit
of all the hindsight
and that we can now give it
would he still
give that same answer
or would he recognize
that actually the power
lay with Homer
the storyteller
to tell the story of Achilles
without which no one would know
who Achilles was or what he did.
There you go
a hypothetical to think about
after you've finished
listening to the episode.
I could not have asked
for a better conclusion
to this discussion
and thank you so much
for coming on the show
to talk about this person
who I think definitely
more nuanced and definitely
yeah the roller coaster
perfect word.
Thank you so much.
Oh it's a pleasure.
Thank you for having me.